Reparations

 

Though the idea has recently gained national attention, reparations has a long history. This section profiles some of the historical and contemporary cases for reparations and considers how to resolve the structural inequities that have long disadvantaged Black Americans.

01

The Case for Reparations

By Ta Nehisi Coates, The Atlantic (June 2014)

In this now famed essay for The Atlantic, best selling author (The Water Dancer, Between the World and Me, The Beautiful Struggle, We Were 8 Years in Power), and correspondent, Ta Nehisis Coates presents a measured, deeply researched case for America to pay reparations to its African American citizens.  Examining the long history of racial discrimination from slavery, segretation, Jim Crow and discriminiatory racial policies put in place after the civil rights movement, Coates provides historical context while tracing the systemic economic effects on Black America today, highlighted through individual and collective accounts. Presented with the evidence of the repercussions of the legacy of slavery that still exist today, Coates makes a strong case for reparations, and the  very real need to study and better understand the present day implications of America’s history racial transgressions. Audio version of this article is also available on Soundcloud.

Coates' acclaimed work led him to provide testimony to Congress in 2019 at a hearing on reparations for slavery - the first of its kind in ten years.  Listen to the full hearing here or start here with Coates’ full opening statement.



“The Great Migration, a mass exodus of 6 million African Americans that spanned most of the 20th century, was now in its second wave. The black pilgrims did not journey north simply seeking better wages and work, or bright lights and big adventures. They were fleeing the acquisitive warlords of the South. They were seeking the protection of the law.”

“In 2001, the Associated Press published a three-part investigation into the theft of black-owned land stretching back to the antebellum period. The series documented some 406 victims and 24,000 acres of land valued at tens of millions of dollars. The land was taken through means ranging from legal chicanery to terrorism.”

“Patrick Sharkey, a sociologist at New York University, studied children born from 1955 through 1970 and found that 4 percent of whites and 62 percent of blacks across America had been raised in poor neighborhoods. A generation later, the same study showed, virtually nothing had changed. And whereas whites born into affluent neighborhoods tended to remain in affluent neighborhoods, blacks tended to fall out of them.”

“The lives of black Americans are better than they were half a century ago. The humiliation of Whites Only signs are gone. Rates of black poverty have decreased. Black teen-pregnancy rates are at record lows—and the gap between black and white teen-pregnancy rates has shrunk significantly. But such progress rests on a shaky foundation, and fault lines are everywhere. The income gap between black and white households is roughly the same today as it was in 1970.”

‘The implications are chilling. As a rule, poor black people do not work their way out of the ghetto—and those who do often face the horror of watching their children and grandchildren tumble back.”

“The kind of trenchant racism to which black people have persistently been subjected can never be defeated by making its victims more respectable. The essence of American racism is disrespect. And in the wake of the grim numbers, we see the grim inheritance.”

“Having been enslaved for 250 years, black people were not left to their own devices. They were terrorized. In the Deep South, a second slavery ruled. In the North, legislatures, mayors, civic associations, banks, and citizens all colluded to pin black people into ghettos, where they were overcrowded, overcharged, and undereducated. Businesses discriminated against them, awarding them the worst jobs and the worst wages. Police brutalized them in the streets. And the notion that black lives, black bodies, and black wealth were rightful targets remained deeply rooted in the broader society. Now we have half-stepped away from our long centuries of despoilment, promising, “Never again.” But still we are haunted. It is as though we have run up a credit-card bill and, having pledged to charge no more, remain befuddled that the balance does not disappear. The effects of that balance, interest accruing daily, are all around us.”

“To proudly claim the veteran and disown the slaveholder is patriotism à la carte. A nation outlives its generations. We were not there when Washington crossed the Delaware, but Emanuel Gottlieb Leutze’s rendering has meaning to us. We were not there when Woodrow Wilson took us into World War I, but we are still paying out the pensions. If Thomas Jefferson’s genius matters, then so does his taking of Sally Hemings’s body. If George Washington crossing the Delaware matters, so must his ruthless pursuit of the runagate Oney Judge.”

“When terrorism ultimately failed, white homeowners simply fled the neighborhood. The traditional terminology, white flight, implies a kind of natural expression of preference. In fact, white flight was a triumph of social engineering, orchestrated by the shared racist presumptions of America’s public and private sectors.”

“Perhaps no statistic better illustrates the enduring legacy of our country’s shameful history of treating black people as sub-citizens, sub-Americans, and sub-humans than the wealth gap. Reparations would seek to close this chasm. But as surely as the creation of the wealth gap required the cooperation of every aspect of the society, bridging it will require the same.”

“Perhaps after a serious discussion and debate—the kind that HR 40 proposes—we may find that the country can never fully repay African Americans. But we stand to discover much about ourselves in such a discussion—and that is perhaps what scares us. The idea of reparations is frightening not simply because we might lack the ability to pay. The idea of reparations threatens something much deeper—America’s heritage, history, and standing in the world.”


“What I’m talking about is more than recompense for past injustices—more than a handout, a payoff, hush money, or a reluctant bribe. What I’m talking about is a national reckoning that would lead to spiritual renewal. Reparations would mean the end of scarfing hot dogs on the Fourth of July while denying the facts of our heritage. Reparations would mean the end of yelling “patriotism” while waving a Confederate flag. Reparations would mean a revolution of the American consciousness, a reconciling of our self-image as the great democratizer with the facts of our history.”

02

What is Owed

By Nikole Hannah-Jones, The New York Times (June 24, 2020)

In this piece from pulitzer prize winning journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones, reflecting on the current uprisings against systemic racism and police brutality, reignites the call for reparations.  Looking at the templated historical swings towards the study of slavery’s repercussions, and the subsequent quashing of progress after protest, Hannah-Jones revives the data that shows the persistence of the racial wealth gap, again revives an examination of the persistent patterns of America’s willful ignorance of the issue and insufficient attempts to address it, and argues that this time the demand for change must be bigger - and must be made.  Otherwise, we’ve just been here before.

“After black uprisings swept the nation in the mid-1960s, Johnson created the Kerner Commission to examine their causes, and the report it issued in 1968 recommended a national effort to dismantle segregation and structural racism across American institutions. It was shelved by the president, like so many similar reports, and instead white Americans voted in a “law and order” president, Richard Nixon”

“If we are truly at the precipice of a transformative moment, the most tragic of outcomes would be that the demand be too timid and the resolution too small. If we are indeed serious about creating a more just society, we must go much further than that. We must get to the root of it.”

“According to research published this year by scholars at Duke University and Northwestern University that doesn’t even take into account the yet-unknown financial wreckage of Covid-19, the average black family with children holds just one cent of wealth for every dollar that the average white family with children holds.”

“The prosperity of this country is inextricably linked with the forced labor of the ancestors of 40 million black Americans for whom these marches are now occurring, just as it is linked to the stolen land of the country’s indigenous people. Though our high school history books seldom make this plain: Slavery and the 100-year period of racial apartheid and racial terrorism known as Jim Crow were, above all else, systems of economic exploitation. To borrow from Ta-Nehisi Coates’s phrasing, racism is the child of economic profiteering, not the father.”

“Changing the laws, too many Americans have believed, marked the end of the obligation. But civil rights laws passed in the 1960s merely guaranteed black people rights they should have always had. They dictated that from that day forward, the government would no longer sanction legal racial discrimination. But these laws did not correct the harm nor restore what was lost.”

“The inclination to bandage over and move on is a definitive American feature when it comes to anti-black racism and its social and material effects.”

“The real obstacle, the obstacle that we have never overcome, is garnering the political will — convincing enough Americans that the centuries-long forced economic disadvantage of black Americans should be remedied, that restitution is owed to people who have never had an equal chance to take advantage of the bounty they played such a significant part in creating.”

“The pandemic, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, a scholar of social movements and racial inequality at Princeton University, told me, “has pulled what is hidden and buried on the bottom to the surface so that it can’t actually be ignored. It is a radicalizing factor because conditions that have been so dire, now combined with revolts in the street, might lead one to believe that not only is the society unraveling, but it might cause you to question what foundation it was built upon in the first place.”

“If black lives are to truly matter in America, this nation must move beyond slogans and symbolism. Citizens don’t inherit just the glory of their nation, but its wrongs too. A truly great country does not ignore or excuse its sins. It confronts them and then works to make them right. If we are to be redeemed, if we are to live up to the magnificent ideals upon which we were founded, we must do what is just.

It is time for this country to pay its debt. It is time for reparations.”

03

When Will Protests Stop? Not Until We Get Serious About Reparations

By Samuel Benson, Deseret News (June 5, 2020)

Benson writes an opinion piece that begins from the premise that “protesters seem to be awaiting something else. And, in all honesty, they — and we — deserve something much bigger.” He makes the case that reparations would help address the structural inequities that fuel the current protests. The problems of racial injustice require a “national awakening” that is “more than a financial program to recompense descendants of slaves. It’s an essential step toward a national acceptance of our flaws and a plan to move forward.”

04

Why We Need Reparations for Black Americans

By Rashawn Ray and Andre M. Perry, Brookings Institute, (April 15, 2020)

This report provides “a history of reparations in the United States, missed opportunities to redress the racial wealth gap, and specific details of a viable reparations package for Black Americans.” This package, the authors suggest, should include:

  • Individual payments for descendants of enslaved Black Americans

  • College tuition to 4-year or 2-year colleges and universities for descendants of enslaved Black Americans

  • Student loan forgiveness for descendants of enslaved Black Americans

  • Down payment grants and housing revitalization grants for descendants of enslaved Black Americans

  • Down payment grants and housing revitalization grants for descendants of enslaved Black Americans

“The American Dream portends that with hard work, a person can own a home, start a business, and grow a nest egg for generations to draw upon. This belief, however, has been defied repeatedly by the United States government’s own decrees that denied wealth-building opportunities to Black Americans.”

“Slavery, Jim Crow segregation, anti-Black practices like redlining, and other discriminatory public policies in criminal justice and education have robbed Black Americans of the opportunities to build wealth (defined as assets minus debt) afforded to their white peers.”

“ As economists William “Sandy” Darity and Darrick Hamilton point out in their 2018 report, What We Get Wrong About Closing the Wealth Gap, “Blacks cannot close the racial wealth gap by changing their individual behavior –i.e. by assuming more ‘personal responsibility’ or acquiring the portfolio management insights associated with ‘[financial] literacy.’”

05

Reparations—Has the Time Finally Come?

By Nkechi Taifa, ACLU News and Commentary (May 26, 2020)

This article, by long-time reparations activist and famed human rights attorney Nkechi Taifa, lays out the historical roots of the call for reparations, which has been expressed since the colonial era by formerly enslaved people, throughout the Civil Rights movement, and has grown in popularity in the past decade, even discussed by presidential candidates.

“The demand for reparations in the U.S. for unpaid labor during the enslavement era and post-slavery discrimination is not novel”

“Although there have been hills and valleys in national attention to the issue, there has been no substantial period of time when the call for redress was not passionately voiced. The first formal record of a petition for reparations in the United States was pursued and won by a formerly enslaved woman, Belinda Royall.”

“In his 1963 book, “Why We Can’t Wait,” Dr. Martin Luther King proposed a “Bill of Rights for the Disadvantaged,” which emphasized redress for both the historical victimization and exploitation of Blacks as well as their present-day degradation.”

“Some forms of redress may include land, economic development, or scholarships. Other amends may embrace community development, repatriation resources, or truthful textbooks. Still, other areas of reparatory justice may encompass the erection of monuments and museums, pardons for impacted prisoners from the COINTELPRO-era, and repairing the harms from the War on Drugs.”